translations and substitutions in ancient medicine

About two decades ago, sequencing the human genome was thought to be a highly profitable path to developing new medicines and medical treatments.  The immediate results of genetic research for drug development have been largely disappointing.  But genetic research has increased biological understanding fundamentally.  Researchers now have much greater appreciation for the importance of a living organism’s bio-chemical communication with its environment in shaping gene expression, protein synthesis, and the organism’s behavior.[1]

Humans are highly distinctive animals in their bio-cultural evolution and development.  If you want to understand the creation of human life, studying human DNA is not sufficient.  Nor is studying what’s traditionally understood as human culture: what humans see, say, hear, read, and write.  Fundamentally important to human behavior is what humans smell, eat, and touch.  By those means, humans, like other living organisms, engage in bio-chemical communication with their environment.

Arduous study of the recently discovered Syriac Galen Palimpsest can contribute to understanding human communication that encompasses bio-chemical communication.  The Syriac Galen Palimpsest is a manuscript apparently containing as an undertext a sixth-century Syriac translation of Galen’s work On Simple Drugs.[2]  Galen wrote in Greek.  Translating Greek medicine into Syriac is thought to have been an important early stage in the long communicative circuit of Greek medicine throughout western Eurasia and north Africa.  The Syriac Galen Palimpsest documents materia medica moving across cultures, languages, and physical environments.

Syriac Galen Palimpsest

Linguistically translating materia medica is closely related to making material substitutions.  Sergius of Resh Aina translated Galen’s On Simple Drugs into Syriac.  To each of the individual books of Galen’s work Sergius prefaced a list of the form “x which is y, with x being a Syriac transliteration of a Greek botanical term, and y its suggested Syriac equivalent.”[3]  The suggested Syriac equivalent y could be a linguistic translation of x.  But given the different bio-geography relevant to the translation, y could also be a material substitute.  Ancient lists of substitute medicines exist in the form “if not x, then y.”  Surviving evidence shows that translating Greek medical texts into Syriac included adapting, acclimatizing, and combining the Greek texts.[4] Making material substitutions could have been an additional dimension of translation, broadly understood.

The relative weights of linguistic translation and material substitution depend on the specific circumstances of communication.  Galen’s On Simple Drugs includes physical and ecological descriptions of materia medica.  Translation through material substitution could create incoherence in physical and ecological descriptions.  That’s not necessarily implausible.  Surviving texts explicitly described as lists of substitutes lack logical coherence across substitute pairs.  Linguistic translation probably contributed to the form of lists of material substitutes.  To the extent that linguistic translation dominated material substitution, translation probably was a relatively formal process separate from medical practice.[5]  Close study of the Syriac Galen Palimpsest could lead to better insight into the relation of linguistic translation and material substitution.

Linguistic culture is highly distinctive to humans.  Bio-chemical culture is important to all living organisms.  Studying the translation of materia medica across the long duration of human development and a wide geographic span of human societies provides a unique window into human being and human welfare.

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Notes:

[1] Kohl (2012) provides a helpful review and synthesis of relevant biological research.

[2] Bhayro, Hawley, Kessel & Pormann (2013) describes the manuscript.  It was scientifically imaged in 2010. The image data are publicly available, along with a brief description.  Preliminary study (id.) indicates that the Syriac Galen Palimpsest includes Books IX to XI of Galen’s On Simple Drugs.  The Syriac translation of those books had been regarded as lost.

[3] Bhayro (2005) p. 162.  Sergius occasionally stated “x which is perhaps y.”  Id.  That statement of probability suggests a mapping of words to physical materials.  Translation, however, doesn’t typically imply complete correspondence for words or physical materials.

[4] Bhayro (2013) pp. 126-135; Bhayro, Hawley, Kessel & Pormann (2013) pp. 141-143.  Socio-economic circumstances seem to have affected the materials of medicines.

[5] Sergius of Resh Aina was a Christian priest.  Yet that doesn’t mean that he didn’t offer services like those of physicians.  Jesus of Nazareth and his first disciplines competed with incumbent providers of medical services.  Over time Jesus acquired the epithet “the good physician.”

[image] Detail from an image of the Syrian Galen Palimpsest, SYR 178r Pseudocolor, thanks to the Galen Syriac Palimpsest Image Bank.

References:

Bhayro, Siam. 2005. “Syriac Medical Terminology: Sergius and Galen’s Pharmacopia.” Aramaic Studies. 3 (2): 147-165.

Bhayro, Siam. 2013. “The Reception of Galen’s Art of Medicine in the Syriac Book of Medicines,” in Barbara Zipser (ed.), Medical Books in the Byzantine World (Bologna: Eikasmós), pp. 123-144.

Bhayro, Siam, Robert Hawley, Grigory Kessel, and Peter E. Pormann. 2013. “The Syriac Galen Palimpsest: Progress, Prospects and Problems.” Journal of Semitic Studies. 58 (1): 131-148.

Kohl, James V. 2012. “Human pheromones and food odors: epigenetic influences on the socioaffective nature of evolved behaviors.” Socioaffective Neuroscience & Psychology. 2.

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writing on the wall and the Cyrus Cylinder

Cyrus Cylinder

According to the Book of Daniel, the Babylonian King Belshazzar held a great feast for thousands of lords.  King Belshazzar and his lords proudly drank wine from the sacred gold and silver vessels that they had plundered from the temple at Jerusalem.  They praised gods made from gold, silver, bronze, iron, wood, and stone.  These were gods made from materials indiscriminately ranging from highly precious to most common.

But then a disembodied man’s hand appeared.  Its fingers wrote on the wall: “mene, mene, tekel, peres.”  Those Aramaic words represented measures of currency.  The Jewish captive Daniel interpreted those words for Balshazzar:

Mene, God has numbered the days of your kingdom and brought it to an end.  Tekel, you have been weighed in the balance and found wanting.  Peres, your kingdom is divided and given to the Medes and Persians. [1]

Daniel’s interpretation echoed the Egyptian weighing of the heart in an other-worldly judgment.  Belshazzar’s merit did not meet the required weight.  That very night, the Persians captured Babylon and killed Belshazzar.

The Cyrus Cylinder, now on exhibit at the Sackler Gallery, is a physical artifact interacting with Daniel’s story of Belshazzar.  The Cyrus Cylinder documents and legitimates the Persian King Cyrus‘s conquest of Babylon without a battle about the time of King Belshazzar.[2]  The Cyrus Cylinder describes the bad deeds of the Babylonian king, declares Cyrus’s divine mandate to overthrow him, and records Cyrus’s order that peoples and their sacred objects (gods) be returned to their home places.  Both Hebrew scripture and classical Greek texts celebrate Cyrus as a great and just ruler who upheld within his vast Persian empire important freedoms.[3]

writing on the wall for Napoleon

The form of writing helps to give it authority.  A disembodied hand writing on the wall isn’t the action of a human person.  It suggests the hand of god.  The Cyrus Cylinder’s cylindrical shape gives it the authority of a personal seal.  Persian kings used small cylindrical seals.[4]  Relative to a king’s seal, the football-sized Cyrus Cylinder is a monumental seal declaring Cyrus’s identity through his conquest of Babylon, his rebuilding of it, and his righteous behavior towards its residents and captives.  The Sackler exhibit includes fragments of Cyrus’s text from a contemporaneous tablet.  The Cyrus tablet surely served a less politically important communicative function than the Cyrus Cylinder.

The writing on the wall means that God acts in history to bring about justice and freedom.  If you cannot believe that, then hear this: the writing on the wall means that tablets, cylinders, and many other communicative device forms will proliferate.  That prophecy cannot be doubted.

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The Cyrus Cylinder and Ancient Persia: A New Beginning is on display at the Sackler Gallery through April 28, 2013.  Neil MacGregor, Director of the British Museum, gave an excellent TED talk on the Cyrus Cylinder.  Here’s an English translation of the surviving Cyrus text.

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Daniel 5:26-28.  Daniel’s interpretation invokes passive verbs — numbered, weighed, divided — related linguistically to the currency weights.

[2] While the Book of Daniel describes Belshazzar as the son of Nebuchadnezzar, other records (the Nabonidus Chronicle and the Nabonidus Cylinder) indicate that Belshazzar was the son of King Nabonidus.  Belshazzar acted as regent for King Nabonidus while Nabonidus was outside Babylon.  The Cyrus Cylinder declares that Marduk (the Zoroastrian god) delivered Nabonidus to Cyrus without a battle.  Cyrus text, l. 17.  The Book of Daniel describes the conqueror of Babylon as “Darius the Mede.”  That name is not otherwise known.  Despite these specific referential problems, the Book of Daniel’s description of Belshazzar and his fate plausibly refers to the Persian conquest of Babylon in 539 BGC.

[3] Isaiah 44:28-45:6, 2 Chronicles 36:20-23, Ezra 1:1-11, 6:3-5; Xenophon, Cyropaedia and its subsequent Greek admirers.  The surviving Cyrus text is similar to other Babylon decrees of conquest and rebuilding.  See Kuhrt (1983).  The ancient reputation of Cyrus, however, indicates that his actions were perceived as distinctive.  Thomas Jefferson’s library included two copies of Xenophon’s Cyropaedia.

[4] The Darius seal is on display in the exhibit.  It’s also the second item in the exhibit slideshow.

[images] The Cyrus Cylinder.  Clay, Babylon, Mesopotamia, after 539 BCE.  D x H: 7.8 – 10 x 21.9 – 22.8 cm British Museum, London, ME 90920. Photo: ©The Trustees of the British Museum, courtesy of the Sackler Gallery Press Office.  Cropped version of “The hand-writing upon the wall.” Js. Gillray, published Aug. 24, 1803, London.

Reference:

Kuhrt, Amélie. 1983. “The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid Imperial Policy.”  Journal for the Study of the Old Testament. 8 (25): 83-97.

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Trithemius on printing, scribes, and reason

world didn't end; judgment day mispredicted

As movable-type printing presses were rapidly being set up across Europe, Johannes Trithemius wrote in praise of scribes.  Gutenberg constructed the first movable-type printing press in Mainz, Germany, about 1450.  In 1483, the twenty-one-year-old Trithemius became abbot of an undistinguished and undisciplined Benedictine monastery in Sponheim, Germany.  Trithemius went on to become a monastic reformer, Christian humanist, German patriotic humanist, and advocate of magic.[1]  The magic that particularly interested Trithemius was using spirits to communicate over long distances (he lived before the rise of telegraph and telephone services).  While abbot of Sponheim, Trithemius expanded the monastery’s library from 40 books to 2000 books, including many printed books.  Trithemius described printing as a “marvelous” art.[2]  Trithemius had his own books printed.  Trithemius, however, advocated to his monks hand-copying texts:

Brothers, no one should think or say “Why do I have to wear myself out writing by hand, when the art of printing has brought so many books to light, so that we can cheaply put together a great library?”  Truly, whoever says this is trying to conceal his own sloth. …  He who ceases the work of a scribe because of printing is not a true friend of Scripture, because heeding no more than the present he takes no care to educate posterity.  But we, dearest brothers, heeding the reward of this sacred labor we will not cease our work, even if we have many thousands of printed volumes.  Printed books will never equal scribed books, especially because the spelling and ornamentation of some printed books is often neglected. Copying requires greater diligence.[3]

Trithemius was a learned man of contradictions.  Those who are more intelligent and more learned are better able to formulate rationalizations.  Rationalizations are an esteemed branch of public magic.

Belief makes more sense than reason.  Conserve brainpower – only believe.

inquisitive face of a horse

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Related posts:

Notes:

[1] Brann (1981).

[2] Printing is a “marvelous and hitherto unheard of art.”  Trithemius, Annales Hirsaugienses (1110), I. 349, quoted and trans. Brann (1981) p. 146.

[3] From Trithemius, De laude scriptorum manualium, Ch. 7.  Above text trans. by Dorothea Salo.  Trithemius had this work printed in 1494.  Behrendt (1974) provides an English translation of the whole work.

References:

Behrendt, Roland, trans. 1974. Johannes Trithemius.  In praise of scribes. De laude scriptorum. Lawrence, Kan: Coronado Press.

Brann, Noel L. 1981. The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516): the renaissance of monastic humanism. Leiden: Brill.

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materia medica of Paulus Aegineta and Māsarjawaih

In the seventh century, the Byzantine physician Paulus Aegineta copied a list of medical substitutes that he attributed to Galen.  In Baghdad early in the eighth century, the Jewish physician Māsarjawaih also produced a list of medical substitutes.  Comparing the most popular substantive words in their medicine lists shows some significant differences:

  1. Māsarjawaih’s medicines are more elaborate than Paulus Aegineta’s medicines.  The top three words from Māsarjawaih’s medicines are oil, electuary, and ointment.  The top three words from Paulus Aegineta’s medicines are juice, seed, and root.
  2. Māsarjawaih’s medicines are more palatable than Paulus Aegineta’s medicines.  Honey, milk, and sugar are within the top-15 words from Māsarjawaih’s medicines.  Sugar doesn’t occur in Paulus Aegineta’s list, honey occurs only once, and milk only twice.  Stone and dung are in Paul Aegineta’s top-15 words, but not in Māsarjawaih’s.

These differences suggest that Māsarjawaih’s medicines served a more developed, more popular medical market did Paulus Aegineta’s.

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Data: word popularity counts from the medical lists of Paulus Aegineta and Māsarjawaih (Excel version)

Related posts:

Comparisons:

Lev, Efraim, and Zohar Amar. 1951. “Practice versus Theory: Medieval Materia Medica According to the Cairo Genizah.” Medical History. 51: 507–526.  See especially Table 3.

De Vos, Paula. 2010. “European materia medica in historical texts: Longevity of a tradition and implications for future use.” Journal of Ethnopharmacology. 132 (1): 28-47. See especially Table 3.

Bakhtīshū chooses season for relaxation

The Bakhtīshū were a Christian family of Syrian-Persian physicians serving Abbasid caliphs.  Bakhtīshū ibn Jibrā’īl ibn Bakhthīshū (d. 870) became extraordinarily wealthy.  He was so wealthy that he could reverse the season for his pleasure, or at least so a story told.  Here’s what a scribe supposedly heard from his grandfather:

I visited Bakhtīshū on a very hot day and found him sitting in a place covered with several sheets of brocade, with a black cloth between each pair of embroidered sheets.  In the middle there was a dome covered with a gold and silver embroidered cloth, which showed gum wood dyed with rose water, camphor and sandal-wood. The physician was clad in a heavy Sa`īdī upper garment from Yemen and a silk robe. I was astounded at his apparel, but when I drew nearer to him in the dome, I started to shiver from intense cold. He laughed, ordered that I be brought an upper garment and a silk robe and then told his servant to uncover the sides of the dome. When they were uncovered, lo! There were doors opening off the dome, leading to areas filled with snow; there were servants blowing that snow and a great cold came forth, which had reached me. He then ordered his food. A most beautiful table was brought in, laden with exquisite things, lastly, roasted chickens were brought in, extremely well done. The cook came in and shook them all, and they fell apart. The physician said: “These chickens were raised on almonds and grain and pomegranate juice.”

I revisited him one very cold day during the midst of winter and found him dressed in a padded garment and a cover.  He was sitting in a cabin inside his palace, which was situated in a most beautiful garden. The cabin was covered with sable furs and had in it and on it sheets of dyed silk, felts from the Maghrib and leather hides from Yemen. In front of him was a gilded silver fire-pot alight, and a servant dressed in very refined brocade was burning Indian-wood in it. When I entered the cabin, I felt the heat to be very strong. He laughed and ordered a brocade tunic for me, then uncovered the sides of the cabin, and lo! There were rooms with iron windows beyond wooden openings and in them fire-pots containing tamarisk-charcoal. There were servants blowing this charcoal with bellows like those of the hammer-smiths.  He then ordered his food to be brought in, and it came as usual, all choice and clean. Some chickens were brought in also, white to the extreme, which I found unpalatable, for I was afraid they were raw. But the cook came in and shook them, and they fell apart. When I asked, the physician told me they were fed on peeled nuts and given sour milk to drink. [1]

The two parts of the story mirror each other.  Details in each part also seem to be carefully in parallel.  The story seems to be a deliberately constructed courtly tale, rather than an actual recounting of experience.  The point of the tale is clear: Bakhtīshū enjoyed fabulous luxury.

luxurious basin of Christian patron in Islamic world

While Christians and other non-Muslims legally had inferior status (dhimmi status) in the Islamic world, Bakhtīshū was not the only Christian who gained high social status and great wealth.  Al-Jahiz (d. 869) describes Arab Christians as numerous.  He describes them as engaged in high-status occupations: theologians, physicians, and astrologers, and also secretaries, kings’ flunkeys, noblemen’s physicians, perfumers and money-changers.[2]   Al-Jahiz declares with considerable resentment:

we know that the Christians now have costly mounts and thoroughbred horses, that they have packs of hounds, play polo, wrap themselves in madini, wear mulham and mutabbaqa {these are all types of expensive fabrics}, employ {Muslim} servants, and take as their names or kunyas Hasan, Husain, ‘Abbas, Fadl, and ‘Ali; all that now remains for them is to call themselves Muhammad and take the kunya of Abu al-Qasim {the Prophet’s father}.  Many Christians have forsaken the zunnar {girdle that dhimmis had to wear to identify themselves as such}, and others only wear it under their clothes. [3]

The resentment in this account centers on Christians’ formally inferior status not being realized in actual life in the ancient Islamic world.

The tale of Bakhtīshū’s great wealth, in contrast, includes no sense of an inappropriate position for a Christian.  That tale evokes only the wonder and marvel of fabulous luxury.

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Notes:

[1] HP pp. 267-8.

[2] Al Jahiz, Refutation of the Christians, paras. 133, 135, trans. Pellat (1969) p. 87.  Having “money-changers” included as a high-status occupation is quite surprising.  Al-Jahiz contrasts Christians’ high-status occupations with Jews’ low-status occupations — dyers, tanners, barbers, butchers and tinkers.  In medieval Europe, which had a culture of anti-semitism, money-changing was an occupation associated with Jews, and money-changers were despised.

[3] Id. para. 135, trans. Pellat (1969) p. 88.

References:

HP: Ibn Abi Usaybi’ah, Ahmad ibn al-Qasim. English translation of History of Physicians (4 v.) Translated by Lothar Kopf. 1971. Located in: Modern Manuscripts Collection, History of Medicine Division, National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, MD; MS C 294Online transcription.

Pellat, Charles. 1969. The life and works of Jāḥiẓ: translations of selected texts, Charles Pellat. Berkeley: University of California Press.

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entering virtual world

absorbed in a virtual world, the black hole of a screen

The screen

is a black

hole

book house: imaginary world made real

Caitlin Phillips' Journey Through My Book House at Artomatic

Journeys Through My Book House is an installation that Caitlin Phillips has created for Artomatic.  It’s a room wallpapered with the pages of books.  Hung on the walls are purses that Phillips makes from the covers of discarded books.  Like a doll house or a tree house, Phillips’ book house conjures imaginary worlds.  Phillips explains:

Lost in a book in my room, on vacation in the car with my nose in a book instead of looking at the scenery, hiding out in the backyard; the places I went in books seem as real to me as the places I visited in real life, and sometimes the real and imagined places bled over into each other.

Creating an imaginary world isn’t a distinctive attribute of books.  Radio shows, television shows, electronic games, and other forms of entertainment can also create imaginary worlds.  Philips’ book house, like her book purses and iPad book covers, celebrate the physical body of books.

Love is realized with physical bodies.

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Exhibit note:  Journeys Through My Book House is on display at Artomatic in Crystal City, Virginia, through June 23, 2012.  Artomatic is a unjuried, non-profit exhibit of more than 1000 persons’ art.  Admission is free.  A fine local news source has reviewed Artomatic 2012.

understanding technological development

About 37,000 years ago, occupants of a rock shelter at Abri Castanet in southwestern France etched the above figure into the shelter’s stone ceiling.  The circular form is a furrow in the stone.  The entering rod is in relief.  Scientist have expressed uncertainty about what the etching represents.  Such figures have been called vulvar representations.  But that description is probably only half-correct.

Recently Leap Motion presented a new natural user interface.  See the video below.  Just imagine how this technology will be used!

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Reference: White, Randall, Romain Mensan, Raphaëlle Bourrillon, Catherine Cretin, Thomas F. G. Higham, Amy E. Clark, Matthew L. Sisk, Elise Tartar, Philippe Gardère, Paul Goldberg, Jacques Pelegrin, Hélène Valladas, Nadine Tisnérat-Laborde, Jacques de Sanoit, Dominique Chambellan, and Laurent Chiotti. 2012. “Context and dating of Aurignacian vulvar representations from Abri Castanet, France.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (PNAS), 2012 May 29; 109(22): 8450-5.

early history of paper not closely connected to elite writing

Paper from its invention has been important for much broader uses than storing and transmitting high-value symbolic arrangements.  The earliest paper, found in China from the second century BGC, apparently was used for wrapping objects.   The Chinese used paper for writing by no later than the third century GC.  But writing may not have been the most common use of paper.  By the sixth century GC, the Chinese were using toilet paper.[1]  The market for toilet paper was probably bigger than the market for books.

Government and commercial paper needs seem to have driven the expansion of paper-making in Baghdad in the eighth century.  Ja`far ibn Yahyā Barmaki, the vizier of Caliph al-Rashīd, reportedly persuaded the caliph to construct a paper mill in Baghdad in 794.  Ja`far ibn Yahyā’s father and grandfather both also served as viziers to Abbasid caliphs.  Ja`far ibn Yahyā’s grandfather led the development of bureaucratic government record-keeping:

Genuine budgets began to be drawn up for the first time and offices sprang up for various departments.  The extensive staff of officials engaged in correspondence with the provinces and prepared estimates and accounts.  An influential stratum of officialdom, the Irano-Islamic class of secretaries (kuttab in Arabic, dabiran in Persian), was formed which considered itself as the main support of the state.  Their knowledge of the complex system of the kharaj (land tax) which took account of not only land quality, but also the produce of the crops sown, made the officials of the diwan al-Kharaj (Department of Finance) the guardians of knowledge which was inaccessible to the uninitiated and was passed by inheritance.

Increasing demand for writing media for government bureaucrats and the relatively high cost of papyrus and parchment plausibly explain the construction of a paper mill in Baghdad in 794.

By the late eighth century, commercial paper had a dominant role in economic transactions in the Abbasid caliphate.  Coinage, which consisted mainly of dinars (gold coins) and dirhams (silver coins) had to be carefully assayed to detect and account for debasing and clipping.  Transporting large amounts of coins was cumbersome and dangerous.  A variety of written commercial instruments have long existed to facilitate economic transactions without the exchange or long-distance transportation of coins.[2]  The register of earnings of Jibra’īl ibn Bakhtīshū`, a physician from the Bakhtīshū` family of elite physicians, indicates the importance of commercial paper in Baghdad c. 800.   According to that register, Jibra’īl ibn Bakhtīshū` earned “the equivalent of nine hundred thousand dinars in goods or gold, and ninety million six hundred thousand dirhams in paper money.”[3]  The term “paper money” from that register almost surely refers to bills of exchange written on paper.  Such bills apparently were the form of almost all of Jibra’īl ibn Bakhtīshū`’s monetary earnings.

The history of a key early communications infrastructure — paper — gives reason to doubt the significance of high-value symbolic arrangements for communications infrastructure.  Government and commercial documents are not prestigious or highly literate forms of writing.   They are more akin to wrapping paper (or toilet paper) than to books.  High-value symbolic arrangements, which today are associated with books, music, and movies, are relatively expensive to produce and relatively unimportant in daily practices.  Uses for communications media are much broader than transmitting high-value content.

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Related posts:

Notes:

[1] An Arabic travel account from about 850 describes Chinese practice:

They are not very nice in point of cleanliness, and wash not with water when they ease nature, but only wipe themselves with paper.

Trans. Renaudot (1733) p. 14

[2] In the early Islamic world, these commercial instruments included hawala, suftaja, sakk (a linguistic precursor to the English word “cheque”), and ruq’a.  Geva (2012); Geva (2011) Ch. 6; Bloom (2001) pp. 135-41.  Nick Szabo compares these commercial instruments to latter European commercial practices.  Bloom (2001), p. 139, declares, “orders of payment dominated medieval economic life.”

[3] HP p. 263.  While some inconsistencies exist in the (translated) text, these figures seem to be the total earnings of Jibra’īl ibn Bakhtīshū` during his 23 years of service in Caliph al-Rashīd’s court from 786 to 809.  Writing on paper is more difficult to erase than writing on papyrus or writing on parchment.   That was an important advantage for paper versus papyrus and parchment as a medium for commercial instruments.

References:

Bloom, Jonathan. 2001. Paper before print: the history and impact of paper in the Islamic world. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Geva, Benjamin. 2011. The payment order of antiquity and the Middle Ages: a legal history. Oxford: Hart Publishing.

Geva, Benjamin. 2012. “Medieval Islamic Payment Instruments as Forerunners of the Western Bill of Exchange.” Lunch remarks, MOCOMILA Meeting, SAMA, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, 7 January 2012.

HP: Ibn Abi Usaybi’ah, Ahmad ibn al-Qasim. English translation of History of Physicians (4 v.) Translated by Lothar Kopf. 1971. Located in: Modern Manuscripts Collection, History of Medicine Division, National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, MD; MS C 294Online transcription.

Renaudot, Eusebius, trans. 1733. Abū Zayd Hasan ibn Yazīd Sīrāfī. Silsilat al-tawārīkh.  Translated from Arabic as: Ancient accounts of India and China, by two Mohammedan travellers, who went to those parts in the 9th century.  London, Printed for S. Harding.

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think outside the screen

For televisions fixed in living rooms, what’s outside of the box adds nothing.  Out-of-home media makes media context more significant.

Consider Doug Aitken’s SONG 1, now showing on the Hirshhorn Museum in Washington, DC.  Much of its art is in its relation to what’s off-screen.

Out-of-home video should play well within its particular physical circumstances.  More mobile apps should encourage users to look up.

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