Costa Concordia disaster generates sexist barrage from commanding heights
With the passenger-laden cruise ship Costa Concordia sinking, Captain Gregorio De Falco of the Italian coastguard telephoned the ship’s captain, Francesco Schettino. Captain Schettino and the ship’s second-in-command had already arrived safely on shore. Captain De Falco angrily told Captain Schettino:
listen, there are people that are coming down the pilot ladder of the prow {of the sinking cruise ship}. You go up that pilot ladder, get on that ship and tell me how many people are still on board. And what they need. Is that clear? You need to tell me if there are children, women or people in need of assistance. And tell me the exact number of each of these categories. Is that clear? Listen Schettino, that you saved yourself from the sea, but I am going to … really do something bad to you … I am going to make you pay for this. Go on board, damnit! [1]
Captain De Falco, an Italian official acting in his official capacity, issued an order using the categories “children, women, or people in need of assistance.” Captain De Falco thus explicitly mentioned women, but not men. Given the omission of men, the informal criteria for determining “people in need of assistance” probably discriminate against men. Captain De Falco’s order provides well-founded grounds for bringing a claim of gender discrimination.
Under the Treaty of the European Union, gender discrimination is not permitted. Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union states that the European Union is founded on the value of equality and exists as a society in which “non-discrimination … and equality between women and men prevail.” Moreover, Article 3 of the Treaty of the European Union states that the Union “shall promote … equality between women and men.” Cruise ships sinking under European Union jurisdiction cannot categorically favor women in evacuating persons from the sinking ship.
The Treaty of the European Union and other political and economic changes have failed to improve men’s social disposability. The sinking Titanic made clear men’s social disposability in an explicit authoritative order and in the actual results:
When the Titanic went down in April 1912, the Captain’s orders were: ‘Women and children first!’
Although this legendary edict was never part of maritime law, it was adhered to so strictly on the Titanic that men were actually stopped from boarding lifeboats, many of which went to sea only three-quarters full.
There were only a few exceptions to the unvarying tales of heroism: three men in steerage who disobeyed the rule — Italians, coincidentally — were shot.
The chivalry was reflected in survival rates: 74 per cent of the women were saved; 52 per cent of the children; and just 20 per cent of the men.
Authoritative institutions have done nothing to make men less disposable. In response to the Costa Concordia disaster, a major U.K. newspaper ran a column that simultaneously praised gender equality, shamed men who don’t privilege women, and naturalized men’s privileging of women:
But in our day, with the advent of feminism and the professional woman, chivalry and manners are considered stuffy and old-fashioned.
As the father of three daughters, I do not, with a single fibre of my being, wish to go back to a time when women could not have the vote or get a university degree. Nor do I, surrounded by extremely strong-charactered and intelligent women in my family and among my friends, feel tempted to regard women as the frail sex.
But the fact remains that there is a longing among most men to protect women and children, and chivalry is simply a manifestation of that longing.
And whatever transpires about the reason for the Costa Concordia disaster, the disappearance of a chivalric code is a sorry reflection on society today. [2]
The death of public reason, which best accounts for the above combination of statements, is important news. In contrast, the passing of knightly combat isn’t news for anyone living in society today. The presence today of yearning for the chivalric code is astonishing, especially coming from public discourse’s movers and shapers.
The sinking of public reason has occurred from its most respected, most commanding heights. Within a week and a half after the Costa Concordia tragedy, Cambridge University issued a press release featuring topical analysis from Cambridge University scholar and teacher, Dr. Lucy Delap, Fellow and Director of Studies in History at St Catharine’s College. This press release did not contain analysis on how to better implement the Treaty of the European Union’s commitment to non-discrimination and equality between men and women on sinking boats. Instead, the press release had the title “Shipwrecked: women and children first?” Well-educated persons in the European Union today should be able to answer that question quickly, cheaply, and simply: “no.” Instead, this center of educational excellence offers a lengthy and self-consciously complex essay. Its intellectual quality and apparent pointlessness is well-summarized in its featured pull quote: “‘Women and children first’ was much more contested in the past than today’s news coverage would have us believe.”
Upon careful study of the Cambridge University press release, a critical reader might discern its intellectual intent: to lessen concern for discrimination against men. The opening paragraph of Dr. Delap’s essay states:
With tragic stories of loss, chaos and fear, shipwrecks have always fascinated onlookers, and been used to convey moral lessons. The Costa Concordia has reignited the potent debates over how one should behave in an emergency shipwreck situation. It is clear from the media response that the old question of whether ‘women and children’ should go first remains just as significant in 2012 as it seemed in 1912.
Here purple prose (“tragic stories of loss, chaos, and fear,” “fascinated onlookers,” “reignited the potent debates,” “emergency [sic] shipwreck situation”) leads to a remarkably impotent sentence. It begins with “It is clear from the media response….” That intellectual leadership leads into the following insight: “the old question of whether ‘women and children’ should go first remains just as significant in 2012 as it seemed in 1912.” Can you think of anything that has changed over the past century in regard to seeking equality between women and men? If you can’t think of anything, see the text of the Treaty of the European Union quoted above.
While the press release’s opening paragraph suggests authorial obtuseness, further in the essay Dr. DeLap appears appears to be a highly sophisticated teacher. The second paragraph opens:
The world’s press has dwelt on the lack of precedence of women and children aboard the 21st century sinking ship, with particular emphasis on the failures of professionalism and chivalry shown by the Italian captain, and his crew. Tales are circulating of burly crew members pushing pregnant women and children out of the way, and the failure of captain and crew to ensure that all were rescued before departing from the ship themselves.
The first sentence above obscures the sexism inherent in “women and children first.” The obscuring tactic is to conflate “failures of professionalism” and “chivalry.” Professionalism is related to chivalry only for knights. Other European Union professionals should do their jobs, even in difficult circumstances. Moreover, they are expected to do their jobs in accordance with European Union law forbidding gender discrimination. Put differently, every man’s job description does not include putting all women first in life-threatening circumstances. Public pressure on men to put women first is oppressive sexism that intellectual leaders should robustly denounce. The second paragraph’s second sentence is also highly sophisticated. It seems to be informed by press reports such as these:
Fights broke out to get into the lifeboats, men refused to prioritise women, expectant mothers and children as they pushed themselves forward to escape. Crew ignored their passengers – leaving ‘chefs and waiters’ to help out. …
As she waited for a flight home from Rome, grandmother Sandra Rogers, 62, told the Daily Mail: ‘There was no “women and children first” policy. There were big men, crew members, pushing their way past us to get into the lifeboats. It was disgusting.’ …
{Ms Rogers said,} ‘I was standing by the lifeboats and men, big men, were banging into me and knocking the girls. It was awful. There was a total lack of organisation. There was no one telling people where to go.’
‘And when we finally got into a lifeboat, people, grown men, were trying to jump into the boat. I thought, if they land in here we are going to capsize.’ (Daily Mail)
Dr. DeLap apparently condensed such reports to “burly crew members pushing pregnant women and children out of the way.” Privileging women (who are not always pregnant) relative to men (many of whom are not burly and most of whom aren’t crew members) is gender discrimination. DeLap presents such discrimination in the most emotionally appealing form.
Dr. DeLap’s essay moves on to discuss historical examples of women wanting to stay on sinking boats. Of course! “Women and children first” is another example of the oppression of women:
In many famous shipwrecks, women had to be removed by force. Their own choices were often to remain with their male relatives, or in the perceived safety of the ship. In some cases they were simply locked up in their cabins, as their hysteria was perceived to be dangerous. … Victorian women, then, were to be contained; the rule giving them precedence was partly for the relief and safety of the men on board ship. As it was practiced, ‘women and children first’ often resulted in women being treated as objects rather than being given special protection.
That’s incredible intellectual work. It’s also quite tiresome. I can’t motivate myself to read any more of it.
For better quality thinking than Dr. DeLap’s Cambridge University press release, look at the comments on the Daily Mail‘s article reporting on the experiences of the Costa Concordia’s passengers. The top-rated comment, from Patricia Dolan, reasons:
Children first, sure, but in our age of equality, why women first? A bit victorian isnt it? When women can sue (and get millions) for the most trivially perceived inequality – why should women then get a free ticket to be saved at men’s expense? Seems a bit unfair. For instance, who is more likely to be able save themselves in such circumstances? A man of 60 who can’t swim, or a young fit woman of 25 who can swim? Surely it should be the weakest saved first. Women can’t have it both ways. They can’t want to be seen as equal to men when it comes to the nice stuff. But return to helpless little women when its the nasty stuff. To paraphrase, ‘equality is not just for Christmas.’
Ms. Dolan’s response has generated thus far 4683 “up” marks. Social elites’ contempt for men’s welfare generates justified anger among ordinary men. Such anger doesn’t bode well for public support for higher education.
The Titanic Memorial in Washington, DC, provides true insight into what has changed from 1912 to 2012. The Titanic Memorial has inscribed on its front:
TO THE BRAVE MEN WHO PERISHED IN THE WRECK OF THE TITANIC APRIL 15 1912 THEY GAVE THEIR LIVES THAT WOMEN AND CHILDREN MIGHT BE SAVEDERECTED BY THE WOMEN OF AMERICA
Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney, a prominent figure in high society, designed the sculpture. Noted architect Henry Bacon, who designed the Lincoln Memorial, also designed the base structure (exedra) for the Titanic Memorial. Helen Herron Taft, the widow of William Howard Taft, who was the U.S. President at the time of the Titanic’s sinking and who died in 1930 while serving as Chief Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court, formally unveiled the sculpture in 1931. The sculpture was located in a central, waterfront position in Washington, DC. The sentiment that the Titanic Memorial represented was thus publicly prominent.
By 1969, the public position of the Titanic Memorial had changed greatly. The Great Lakes Titanic Society’s website explains that the Titanic Memorial was removed from its central location in Washington, DC:
The memorial was re-erected without ceremony in 1968 on the south Washington waterfront outside Fort McNair in Washington Channel Park at Fourth and P Streets, SW.
That was, and remains, an obscure, poor neighborhood.
The social disposibility of men has changed little from 1912 to 2012. Tendentious and mind-numbing recitations of class and gender history, contempt for men’s welfare, and misandry have increased greatly.
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Related posts:
- contempt for men in the World Values Survey
- sex differences in elite concern about literary reading
- lack of concern for men imprisoned for sex-payment debts
Notes:
[1] From the Guardian’s translation of the call transcript. Above I’ve replaced “(expletive)” with the expletive reported in another news account.
[2] Wilson, A. N. “Whatever happened to women and children first?“, Daily Mail Online, last updated 18 Jan. 2012. In considering the Costa Concordia disaster and response, major newspapers didn’t debate the question, “Whatever happened to the text and values of the Treaty of the European Union?” That latter question may prompt much anguish in the near future.
Tagged: sexism
sexism and gender inequality in family courts
While hardly mentioned in high-profile discussions of sexism and gender inequality, family law and family courts support enormous and oppressive gender inequalities. In the U.S. as of 2005, about fourteen times more mothers than fathers have received physical custody of their children.[*] About eleven times more men than women are subject to legally enforced child-support payments. In short, through institutionalized sexism and sex discrimination, women are given physical custody of children, and men are given legal responsibility to provide money to them.
Sex discrimination in child custody and child support urgently merits close examination. The lack of public discussion of this important issue reveals fundamental sex differences in social communication.
* * * * *
Related posts:
- sex discrimination in child custody and child support
- sexist motherhood statements in Turner v. Rogers’ briefs
- legal standards for imprisoning persons for child-support arrears
Statistics: child-custody and child-support statistics, by type of custody and type of child-support agreement, by sex (Excel version)
[*] The legal fiction of legal custody is no substitute for gender equity. The two most common custody arrangements are joint legal custody with the mother having physical custody, and the mother having sole legal and physical custody. Legal custody means relatively little compared to physical custody. A parent is never given physical custody without legal custody. The practical significance of having legal custody, but not physical custody, is relatively small.
Tagged: child support, sexism
social reality of scholarly peer review
Peer-reviewed publications are currently the main currency for academic advancement. Like fiat currencies in general economic use, the value of editorial peer review appears to be largely in its value for economic transactions. Consider, for example, a scholarly study published in 1982. The authors created fictitious authors for twelve articles published in twelve highly regarded psychology journals eighteen to thirty-two months earlier. These articles were then resubmitted for publication to the same journals that had published them previously. The outcome:
Of the sample of thirty-eight editors and reviewers, only three (8 percent) detected the resubmissions. This result allowed nine of the twelve articles to continue through the review process to receive an actual evaluation: eight of the nine were rejected. Sixteen of the eighteen referees (89 percent) recommended against publication and the editors concurred. The grounds for rejection were in many cases described as “serious methodological flaws.”[1]
A critical article on peer review recently noted:
At the British Medical Journal we took a 600 word study that we were about to publish and inserted eight errors. We then sent the paper to about 300 reviewers. The median number of errors spotted was two, and 20% of the reviewers did not spot any. We did further studies of deliberately inserting errors, some very major, and came up with similar results.[2]
Methodological and statistical analysis of published empirical research has concluded that most published research findings are false.[3] Another review of empirical evidence on peer review concluded:
At present, little empirical evidence is available to support the use of editorial peer review as a mechanism to ensure quality of biomedical research. However, the methodological problems in studying peer review are many and complex. At present, the absence of evidence on efficacy and effectiveness cannot be interpreted as evidence of their absence.[4]
Surely a central aspect of the methodological problems is that peer-reviewed articles are the primary scholarly assets of scholars today. If persons were to recognize that editorial peer review has no fundamental value, the scholarly economy might collapse.
In the communicative circumstances of the Internet, publish everything is a good fundamental principle. Classical peer review tends to be understood as a value-creating quality filter for publication. It is associated with competition to get as many peer-reviewed publications as possible. An alternative to peer review is open-access competition for attention and approval: “publish everything and then let the world decide what is important.”[5] The Internet allows a huge amount of information to be made available to a huge number of persons at much lower cost than would be possible with print publications. That technological transformation fundamentally favors making any symbolic work available to everyone.
However, making any symbolic work available to everyone is not sufficient for a secure, well-functioning scholarly economy. The effect of social influence on symbolic choices isn’t well understood. Yet one can reasonably believe that fashions and celebrities are not manifestations of a good process for seeking truth, although they may be an inevitable aspect of any real social process. “Let the world decide what is important” ignores the reality and importance of human social nature and human institutions. A good social structures for symbolic competition in truth-seeking is a key challenge for the new Internet world.
* * * * *
Update: More on reforming peer review
Notes:
[1] Douglas P. Peters and Stephen J. Ceci (1982). Peer-review practices of psychological journals: The fate of published articles, submitted again. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 5, pp 187-195 doi:10.1017/S0140525X00011183
[2] Richard Smith (2010). Classical peer review: an empty gun. Breast Cancer Research, 12(Suppl 4):S13 doi:10.1186/bcr2742
[3] John P. A. Ioannidis (2005). Why Most Published Research Findings Are False. PLoS Med 2(8): e124. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.0020124
[4] Jefferson T, Rudin M, Brodney Folse S, Davidoff F. Editorial peer review for improving the quality of reports of biomedical studies. Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews 2007, Issue 2. Art. No.: MR000016. DOI: 10.1002/14651858.MR000016.pub3
[5] Smith (2010), cited above, p. 3.
Tagged: knowledge
motherhood and sexism in Turner v. Rogers
The parties’ briefs in the currently pending U.S. Supreme Court case Turner v. Rogers contrast sharply in motherhood statements and fatherhood statements. The petitioner’s brief includes only one instance of a word beginning with mother, and only two instances of a word beginning with father. The respondents’ brief, in contrast, includes twenty-two instances of words beginning with mother, and twenty-seven instances of words beginning with father.[*] What explains this stark contrast?
The parties’ respective presentations of the questions before the U.S. Supreme Court point to reasons for the contrasting use of motherhood and fatherhood statements. The petitioner declares the substantial question in Turner v. Rogers to be this:
Whether the Supreme Court of South Carolina erred in holding—in conflict with twenty-two federal courts of appeals and state courts of last resort—that an indigent defendant has no constitutional right to appointed counsel at a civil contempt proceeding that results in his incarceration.
That question is obviously tendentiously phrased with respect to the relevant law. Advocates commonly present tendentious questions to highly intelligent judges. Highly intelligent judges, like any other living person, feel sentiment and have emotions that cannot be separated biologically from logic and reason. Hence advocates seek to prompt favorable sentiments and emotions.
The respondents pursued a much different sentimental strategy. The respondents declare the substantial question in Turner v. Rogers to be this:
In a mother’s pro se action to enforce a child-support order, does the father have a categorical Sixth or Fourteenth Amendment right to appointed counsel before he can be confined for a limited time for civil contempt?
The respondents present the question as a battle between mother and father. The respondents’ strategy is reasonable because sentiment favors motherhood.
The U.S. financial child-support system formally serves custodial parents, both mothers and fathers. The respondents’ sentimental strategy reveals the underlying reality. The respondents’ brief describes in a heading one aspect of the financial child-support system:
Mothers’, Children’s, and the Government’s Interests in Fair, Effective Child-Support Enforcement Would Be Disserved by Appointing Counsel for All Nonpaying Fathers
The child-support system in reality serves narrow financial interests of mothers, children, and the government. It shows little regard for men’s interests. Even just with respect to men’s obvious interest in not being incarcerated, the child-support system can’t even be bothered to collect systematic, accurate statistics on the number of persons (mainly men) it keeps in jails or prisons. The respondents’ brief pairs with the above heading a heading about fathers’ interests, alone and narrowly confined:
Fathers’ Interests Are Adequately Protected by Straightforward Family Court Procedures
Sex inequalities in child custody and child support are about an order of magnitude larger than widely discussed sex inequalities in the labor force. Straightforward family court procedures pass as adequate only because the former sex inequalities have generated relatively little public discussion and policy concern.
The respondents’ brief exploits to an extraordinary extent the child-support system’s firmly rooted, stereotype-based beliefs about the allocation of family responsibilities. For example, the respondents’ brief declares:
A mother has a “commanding” interest in the custody and care of her child. Lassiter, 452 U.S. at 27.
Here’s what the Supreme Court’s decision in Lassiter states at the cited point:
A parent’s interest in the accuracy and justice of the decision to terminate his or her parental status is, therefore, a commanding one.
The respondents’ brief rephrased the Court’s statement in Lassiter to make it into a motherhood statement. The respondents’ citation also excised the context of terminating a person’s parental status. Incarcerating a person in effect terminates a person’s acting parental status for the period of incarceration. When the parent is a father, the commanding interest in parental status isn’t even served with legal counsel. That shows the power of motherhood statements.

Related:
- sex discrimination in child custody and child support
- differences between having sex and fathering a child
[*] These counts exclude instances in the appendices to the respondents’ brief. The respondents’ motherhood and fatherhood totals include two and seven instances, respectively, where the relevant word is in the title of a cited work or in a quotation from a cited work. One instance of mother and no instance of father is similarly situated in the petitioner’s brief. Because the brief writer chooses articles to cite and text to quote, the total number best reflects use of motherhood and fatherhood statements. Under either accounting, the respondents’ brief includes an order of magnitude more motherhood and fatherhood statements than does the petitioner’s brief.
Tagged: child support, sexism
differences between having sex and fathering a child
In opposing the Cert Petition to the U.S. Supreme Court in Turner v. Rogers, the respondents stated as facts:
Petitioner Michael Turner fathered B.L.P., the daughter of respondent Rebecca L. Rogers (née Price), in 1995, when petitioner was 18 and Rogers was 16. The pair drifted apart soon after B.L.P.’s birth in 1996.[1]
These statements equate “fathered” to having sex of reproductive type, where retrospectively a particular chain of contingent events followed from that sex act. While sex and procreation must be linked according to authoritative doctrinal statements of Catholic Church leaders, most persons don’t believe that such doctrine should be binding on everyone under U.S. law. Most persons consider sexual intercourse to be private conduct that they have liberty to choose without state-imposed burdens, obstacles, or punishments. Nonetheless, differences between having sex and fathering a child are not recognized in important legal actions, including in legal proceedings that keep on any given day about 45,000 men like Michael Turner in jails and prisons for sex-payment arrears.[2]
Having sex is much more prevalent among teenagers than is fathering a child. In the U.S. today, the share of males ages 18 and 19 who have ever had oral, vaginal, or anal sex with a female are 70%, 66%, and 17%, respectively. The share of males ages 18 and 19 who have ever engaged in oral or anal sex with a male is 4%.[3] Only sex of reproductive type — heterosexual vaginal intercourse — is sex that, with a particular ensuing chain of contingent events, can lead to fathering a child.
Unlike females, males are subject to uncertainty about whether their sex act of reproductive type contributed sperm to a specific pregnancy. DNA testing can establish beyond a reasonable doubt whether a particular male contributed sperm to a specific pregnancy. However, public policies and procedures discourages males from acquiring highly certain knowledge about their biological relation to a particular pregnancy. Teen males are particularly unlikely to surmount obstacles, including lack of knowledge, shaming, and intimidation, that constrain males from acquiring this knowledge. In the U.S. as a whole, men falsely believe themselves to be the biological father for roughly 5% of children. Among females ages 15 to 17 who had sex in the past year, 43% had sex with more than one male.[4] The facts that a male had sex of reproductive type with a female and the female gave birth to a child approximately nine months later is not sufficient to establish a biological connection.
Turner v. Rogers starkly illustrates how paternity uncertainty is obscured and perpetuated. When in 1995 they had sex of reproductive type, Michael Turner was 18 and Rebecca Rogers was 16 (Rogers was then unmarried and bearing her natal name, Rebecca Price). In early 1999, Turner received a six-page legal document that began thus:
The Child Support Enforcement Division (Division),pursuant to S.C. Code Ann. Section 20-7-9505 et seq., notifies you that:
1. You are the natural father of and have a duty to support and provide for the medical needs of the following child(ren)
B.L.P. [Date Of Birth Omitted]
born to Rebecca L. Price and in the custody of Rebecca L. Price.[5]
Despite its affirmative statement “You are the natural father,” the Child Support Enforcement Division did not know, either through testimony that was subject to rebuttal or through reliable technological means, that Turner was the natural father of B.L.P. The document implicitly acknowledges this reality through a complex and intimidating description of a procedure for objecting. Turner, then 21 years old and beginning a long legal ordeal without the benefit of counsel, did not object. U.S. courts and child-support administrations in the course of enforcing sex-payment obligations do not necessarily establish, through feasible, low-cost means, highly certain knowledge about the relevant paternity. Given that, among females ages 15 to 17 who had sex in the past year, 43% had sex with more than one male, Turner is subject to significant paternity uncertainty. The legal process functioned to encourage and preserve Turner’s ignorance about paternity.
Many teenage males have sex of reproductive type without wanting to father a child and without actually fathering a child. Not only have 66% of males ages 18 and 19 had sex of reproductive type, 43% had such sex in the past three months, and 19% had such sex four or more times in the past four weeks.[6] In the U.S. today, a male who does not want to be a father can legally use contraceptives to lessen the probability that he will fertilize an embryo. Among the 29% of males ages 15-19 who had sex of reproductive type in the past three months, 93% had sex with some form of contraception.[7] The share of males who state that they have a biological child is 1.9% for males ages 15-19 and less than 4.7% for males ages 18 and 19.[8] Many teenage males have sex of reproductive type, in addition to sex of other types, many times. Few teenage males father a child.
After decades of bitter, extensive public disputes about abortion, everyone should understand that contraceptives alone do not eliminate the problem of unwanted pregnancies and unplanned parenthood. A male who fertilizes an embryo does not father a child when the relevant female chooses to have an abortion. Among 16-year-old females in the U.S. in 2007, abortions amounted to 43% of live births.[9] Price, as a 16-year-old female, chose not to have an abortion. If Price had chosen to have an abortion, South Carolina would not have imposed weekly sex-payment obligations on Turner. In that sense of legal fatherhood, Turner would not have fathered a child.
To most persons, fathering a child has no relation to being subject to weekly, state-imposed payments. Fathers wake their children, dress their children, feed their children, play with their children, comfort their children, put their children to sleep, and wake them up. Fathers change their childrens’ diapers, they wipe their running noses, and they teach their children and discipline their children. These important acts of love and care are much different from having the resources and the disposition to comply with weekly, state-imposed payments. They are also much different from having sex.
Michael Turner and Rebecca Price had sex of reproductive type. That act is not the same as fathering a child. In the U.S. today, having sex of reproductive type is the basis for men being incarcerated, without even the benefit of counsel. In a state that did not legally impose Catholic sexual morality on men, having sex of reproductive type would not be labeled fathering in a legal document before the Supreme Court.

Related posts:
- motherhood and sexism in Turner v. Rogers
- persons in jail or prison for child-support arrears
- sex discrimination in child custody and child support
- sustaining ignorance in the paternity information economy
Notes:
[1] Turner v. Rogers, Respondents’ Brief in Opposition to Petition for Writ of Certiorari, p. 6.
[2] The figure of 45,000 men is based on an estimated 50,000 persons in jail or prison for child-support arrears, and assumes that the sex ratio of persons incarcerated for child-support arrears is the same as the sex ratio for child-support awards, which is eight women receiving a child-support award per man receiving one.
[3] Chandra et al. (2011) Table 6 (data from 2006-8).
[4] Calculated from data in Chandra et al. (2011) Table 1 (data from 2006-8).
[5] Turner v. Rogers, Brief of Respondent, App. 1a-6a. South Carolina Department of Social Services, Child Support Enforcement Division, Notice of Financial Responsibility and Paternity Determination, issued to Michael Turner.
[6] Abma, Martinez, and Copen (2010) Tables 4, 5 (data from 2006-8)
[7] Abma, Martinez, and Copen (2010) Tables 4, 15 (data from 2006-8).
[8] Martinez et al. (2006) Table 1 (data from 2002; no more recent figures available). The ceiling for males ages 18-19 is calculated from the figure for males ages 15-19 under the assumption that all the men that had a biological child had their first child at ages 18 or 19.
[9] Pazol (2011) Table 5.
References:
Abma, Joyce C., Martinez, Gladys, Copen, Casey E. Teenagers in the United States: Sexual activity, contraceptive use, and childbearing, National Survey of Family Growth 2006–2008. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Health Stat 23(30). 2010.
Chandra, Anjani, Mosher, William D, Copen, Casey, and Sionean Catlainn. Sexual behavior, sexual attraction, and sexual identity in the United States: Data from the 2006–2008 National Survey of Family Growth. National health statistics reports; no 36. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2011.
Martinez, Gladys M., Chandra, Anjani, Abma, Joyce C., Jones, Jo, and Mosher, William D. Fertility, contraception, and fatherhood: Data on men and women from Cycle 6 (2002) of the National Survey of Family Growth. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Health Stat 23(26). 2006.
Pazol, Karen et. al. Abortion Surveillance — United States, 2007. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR), February 25, 2011 / 60(ss01);1-39.
Turner v. Rogers, U.S. Supreme Court, Docket 10-10, argued Mar. 23, 2011.
Tagged: child support, paternity
thank a public servant
In many countries across the world, May 1 is celebrated as International Workers’ Day. The U.S. does not celebrate that holiday. Instead, the U.S. has a full week, May 1 through May 7, designated as Public Service Recognition Week. Public servants deserve appreciation:
Whether at the federal, state, county or local level, public employees throughout the nation provide essential services, solve and prevent serious problems, help ensure our safety and advance the common good. During Public Service Recognition Week, the first week of May, we hope you will join our effort to honor public servants at all levels of government for the work they do to make our country a better place.
Without public servants, private enterprise would be nasty, brutish, and short. Thank a public servant today!
sex discrimination in child custody and child support
In child custody and child support administration, stereotype-based beliefs about the allocation of family responsibilities are both firmly rooted and largely unquestioned. Suppose some desirable job involved much out-of-town travel. Suppose, in hiring for that job, an employer discriminated in favor of fathers and against mothers, on the grounds that the best interests of the children favored mothers not doing extensive, out-of-town travel. The employer most likely would be in violation of sex discrimination laws and subject to a costly legal judgment. In contrast, “the best interest of the child” has successfully smothered in justifications huge gender inequalities in state-awarded child custody and child support.
Sex inequalities in child custody and child support are about an order of magnitude larger than widely discussed sex inequalities in the labor force. From 1993 to 2007, about five mothers were awarded child custody for every father awarded child custody. Across that same period, about eight mothers were awarded child support for every father awarded child support. Gender inequalities in labor force participation are much smaller. Among parents ages 25 to 49 living with at least one own-child, three mothers worked full-time for every four fathers that did. Among parents of those ages living with at least one own-child under age five, one mother worked full-time for every two fathers that did. Motherhood matters much less in the workforce than in courtrooms making child-custody or child-support decisions.
Most persons value their children more than their jobs. Even if sex inequalities in child custody and child support were similar to sex inequalities in the labor force, the former sex inequalities would be more damaging than the latter.
Family-court substantive and procedural law should consider the actual sex bias in the administration of child custody and child support. Men lack reproductive rights comparable to those that women have in U.S. constitutional law and in statutory laws governing child-birth registration, giving up a child for adoption, and safe-havens that allow a mother to give up a newborn safely, legally, and anonymously. Sex inequalities in child-custody and child-support administration exacerbate sex inequalities in reproductive rights.
Child-support enforcement keeps roughly 50,000 persons in jail or in prison in the U.S. on any given day. Almost surely among those prisoners men outnumber women by eight to one or more. Sex inequalities in child custody and child support are closely related to that sex inequality in punishment.
In Turner v. Rogers, the U.S. Supreme Court is currently considering whether an indigent child-support obligor is entitled to a state-provided lawyer in a proceeding that will determine whether the obligor will be imprisoned. Turner v. Rogers is directly about the right to counsel. However, sex inequalities in reproductive rights and in child-custody and child-support administration place Turner v. Rogers within an extraordinary but unquestioned field of unequal protection under law.
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Related posts:
Data: custodial parents, parents awarded child-support, and labor-force participation by sex, 1993-2007 (Excel version)
Tagged: child support, sexism
sex differences in newspaper reviews and citations of Brizendine's new book, The Male Brain
Humans and other animals are keenly interested in sex. Louann Brizendine‘s new book, The Male Brain, complements her 2006 book, The Female Brain. These books explore the biology of sex differences and their implications for a typical male and female life-courses. Both are clearly written for mass-market readers in contemporary, high-income countries.
To understand better sex differences in communications, I collected from a newspaper database articles referring to Brizendine and “Male Brain.” I then tabulated these articles by the author’s sex and the author’s evaluation of the substance of Brizendine’s book. These data show large sex differences: female-authored articles (14) numbered more than twice as many as male-authored articles (6). Female-authored articles had a lower share of articles with a positive evaluation of Brizendine’s book (21%) than did male-authored articles (33%).
Sex differences in reading appear to be broader than well-documented sex differences in fiction reading. Like newspaper articles, Brizendine’s books are in the genre of non-fiction. Nonetheless, both The Female Brain and The Male Brain seem to be predominately oriented toward female readers. Careful, literary-critical reading of both books will convince most readers of this orientation. Here’s a simple example. The introduction to The Female Brain is entitled “What Makes Us Women.” The introduction to The Male Brain is entitled “What Makes a Man.” With respect to The Male Brain, Brizendine has explicitly stated, “I wrote the book for women about men.”[1]
Newspaper articles citing The Male Brain give reason for concern about sexist stereotyping. One article citing Brizendine’s The Male Brain states that it “amounts to conclusive physiological justification for the male practice of staring at female breasts. … male ogling must henceforth be considered genetic destiny rather than anti-social creepiness.”[2] But the misandristic demonization of male heterosexual desire is a social construction that should not be beyond social questioning. Another article states, “On one level the book reads like one big get-out-of-jail-free card for men. But Brizendine insists it is not.” Given that the U.S. incarcerates about two million men, about ten times as many men as women, get-out-of-jail-free cards for men seems like an idea worth discussing, particularly for men who are incarcerated for crimes like staring at female breasts. The articles indicate that women assaulting men is of a little social concern: “So men have machines for minds do they? That go on the blink? In which case the best thing is to turn them off and on again. And if this fails, bash them a bit.” Another article citing Brizendine quotes a male comedian: “If you women knew what we were really thinking, you’d never stop slapping us.” Brizendine herself is more respectful than most toward men:
When I came up with the idea of writing my book The Male Brain, nearly everyone made the same joke: ‘That will be a short book!’ But while culturally females may consider men to be rather simple creatures, nothing could be further from the truth.
Men’s lack of success in securing true paternity knowledge, despite fundamental interests and readily available technology, suggests that, at least in social negotiations, men in general are much simpler than women.
For an example of sophistication in the true classical sense, consider a review of The Male Brain that an elite journalist and fellow at Yale Law School had published in the New York Times. The review concluded:
But isn’t it time to acknowledge that any rigid insistence that men and women are exactly the same has long since given way to common sense? Brizendine’s trick, after all, is to give a scientific veneer to ”Men Are From Mars, Women Are From Venus.” Which dates to 1992. At this point, it’s hardly daring to say that there are momentous innate sex differences in the brain. It’s just dubious.[3]
This intricate rhetoric makes an appeal to common sense using a tendentious, extraordinary case (“rigid insistence that men and women are exactly the same”). It then associates Brizendine with rhetorical tricks by using the trick of linking her science to a literally absurd title of a much less scientifically oriented book. “Momentous innate sex differences in the brain” would be an extraordinarily daring claim for anyone to propose for serious consideration in the pages of today’s New York Times or any other elite publication. Much less daring claims have been sufficient to help get a Harvard University president fired. Nonetheless, the review concludes that “momentous innate sex differences in the brain” isn’t a daring claim, but a claim that only dupes believe. That’s remarkably sophisticated work.
The International Herald Tribune duly reprinted this New York Times review of The Male Brain. But, perhaps judging that its readers lack sufficient appreciation for highly sophisticated work, it edited the review so that it concluded thus:
But isn’t it time to acknowledge that any rigid insistence that men and women are exactly the same has long since given way to common sense?[4]
Thus our leading thinkers counsel appreciation for the folk wisdom of the current status quo.
Important aspects of sex differences are not currently a matter of common sense. What’s the common sense of only men being required to register for selective service? What’s the common sense of black men in the U.S. having a life expectancy fully 11 years less than that of white women, of U.S. soldiers dying in Iraq at a ratio of 42 men per woman, and men dying from occupational accidents at rate more than ten times that of women? What’s the common sense of women in the U.S. receiving in the 2008-2009 academic year 42% more college degrees than men did? What’s the common sense of men lacking reproductive rights and of men being subject to unplanned parenthood and government-determined parental payments? That such differences figure relatively little in discussions of sex differences is an interesting sex difference.

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Data: tabulation of newspaper articles citing Brizendine’s The Male Brain (Excel version)
Notes:
[1] See Siri Agrell & Dave McGinn, “That’s just how I’m wired, baby” (interview with Brizendine) Globe and Mail (Canada), Mar. 26, 2010.
[2] The quotations in this paragraph are from articles numbered 3, 7, 8, 21, and 22 in the tabulation. See the tabulation for the articles’ bibliographic details.
[3] Emily Bazelon, “A Mind of His Own,” The New York Times, Mar. 28, 2010.
[4] Emily Bazelon, “Boys will be boys: A breezy look at how the male brain works; Review,” The International Herald Tribune, Mar. 29, 2010.
Tagged: sex differences
understanding YouTube comments
This YouTube video of mine prompted the following comment (quoted in its entirety): “this is real gay.” Does that mean that the video is fabulous?
Tagged: YouTube
fierce rivals agree on important issue at FCC
In Washington, no rivalry is mores strenuously fought than that between the Washington Redskins and the Dallas Cowboys. Nonetheless, last week Lonnie Sanders, Jr., of the Washington Redskins (ret.) and Mark Washington of the Dallas Cowboys (ret.) came together at the U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to express their strong, common support for FCC employees’ participation in the Combined Federal Campaign for charitable giving.
Both Sanders and Washington were star professional football players. After retiring from football, both went on to have amazing further careers.
Here’s a paragraph from Sanders’ biography:
In later years, Mr. Sanders formed the Jackson & Sanders Construction Company which focused on the rehabilitation of inner-city homes. He acquired his District of Columbia Real Estate Broker’s License and served on the DC Board of Real Estate Equalization and Review. He also served on the DC Board of Rehabilitation (transitioning incarcerated individuals back into society). Through L. Sanders, Inc., he procured and shipped food products to the U.S. Department of Defense troop feeding centers. He owns C&S Trading, LLC, an investment vehicle which exports grain and grain products (also serving as a consultant for like entities), and is a partner in the soon to be developed Southwest Waterfront.
Here’s a paragraph from Washington’s biography:
Upon retirement [from football] in 1980, he embarked on a 20+ year career in various technical sales and marketing positions with E.I. DuPont de Nemours in their Electronic Materials Division, followed by employment with Condea Vista Chemical Company. He successfully conducted business throughout the U.S., Mexico, Canada, and Japan. Later as his interest shifted to the on-line services industry, he served as the National Account Manager for a start-up online recruitment advertising firm, and later held a similar position with the American Chemical Society. Most recently, he has served as the President of the Washington DC Chapter of the National Football League Retired Players for the past four years.
Few communications industry leaders have as impressive a record of achievements as do Sanders and Washington. But they can follow Sanders and Washington’s lead by sitting down together and agreeing on important issues before the FCC.


